Uncategorized | Jewish Voice for Peace

An Open Letter to Senator Ron Wyden

by Cynthia Gilliam | Oct 22, 2022 | Uncategorized

Dear Senator Wyden, In a recent letter to a constituent, you called for a “multi-state solution” as a way to achieve a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians. That this represented a change from your previous position in support of a two-state...

Call and Write Your Representatives

by Cynthia Gilliam | Oct 7, 2022 | Uncategorized

At this time, JVP-Portland is calling for letters and phone calls to our representatives in Washington to protest the most recent Israeli military attacks on the people of Gaza. Check out addresses and a template on our Local Actions page Letter Writing...

Oregon Investment Council Challenged to Adopt a Human Rights Screen

by Cynthia Gilliam | Oct 7, 2022 | Uncategorized

And here’s the statement delivered to the Oregon Investment Council by JVP-Portlanld: The problem: The Oregon Investment Council (OIC), overseeing the Public Employee Retirement System (PERS), fails to recognize the inherent risk in investing in companies or funds...

Portland’s Chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace Forcefully Condemns Israel’s New ‘Nation-State Law”

by admin | Jul 30, 2018 | Uncategorized

For Immediate Release July 30, 2018 Portland’s chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace Forcefully Condemns Israel’s new ‘Nation-State law”, Warning that Israel is Becoming a Model for White Supremacists Earlier this month, the Israeli Knesset passed the “Nation State” law....

Jewish Voice for Peace Responds to Gaza Killings and Injuries by Israeli Live Ammunition Fire

by Michel Bolsey | Apr 2, 2018 | Uncategorized

For Immediate Release Friday, March 30, 2018 Portland’s Jewish Voice for Peace Condemns Passover Massacre in Gaza “Today we are mourning the deaths of 15 unarmed protesters killed by the Israeli military,” said David Newman of the Portland chapter of...

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www.haaretz.com/opinion/2022-12-04/ty-article-opinion/.highlight/whos-afraid-to-reveal-the-palest...You’ve doubtless wondered at some point, as I have, what kind of Arab state the Palestinians envisioned in 1948 if they had won the war. What were their plans? Where did they intend to build their version of the Ayalon Highway? Did they also want to dry up the Hula swamp to make more agricultural land available?Oh, and what were their thoughts about the 628,000 Jews living in what is now Israel on the eve of the war? What did they intend to do with them?Every week, columnist Ben-Dror Yemini tells his readers in Yedioth Ahronoth about Arab leaders in 1948 who called for the Jews to be thrown into the sea. In other words, they intended a systematic slaughter.So, without burdening Haaretz readers with dry academic research, I think it’s worth informing them that in 15 years of searching, during which I read hundreds of propaganda documents from 1947 to 1949, I encountered only one case in which an Arab leader mentioned “sea” and “Jews” in the same sentence. That was the Egyptian Hassan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, in a call to expel the Jews from Egypt.The more familiar quotes (like the one attributed to the Arab League’s secretary general at the time, Azzam Pasha) aren’t backed up by reliable Arabic sources, and it’s not clear whether they were ever actually said.In any event, I found no calls for murdering Jews just because they were Jews in either the propaganda or the educational material aimed at Palestinians and Arab fighters in 1948. Judging by the documents I collected for my latest book, the claims about an Arab plan to “throw the Jews into the sea” are actually rooted in official Zionist propaganda. This propaganda began during the war, perhaps to encourage Jewish fighters to leave as few Palestinians as possible in the areas that would become part of Israel. (Incidentally, a comparison of Arab and Jewish propaganda in 1948 reveals that the propaganda of the Israel Defense Forces and its precursor, the Haganah, was much more violent.)End the concealmentEducating Israel About the Nakba‘Israeli Museums are afraid of the Nakba’: Palestinian artist family makes historyI recently thought a golden opportunity to learn a bit more about the Palestinians’ plans for victory in 1948 had fallen into my lap. Five years after I sought permission to examine several files that were looted from Palestinian institutions during the war and whose existence had been concealed, the Israel State Archives provided me with a list of files from a secret Foreign Ministry department called the “political department” (which later became the Mossad). In 1948 and 1949, it was headed by an intelligence agent named Boris Guriel.Two files on the list immediately caught my eye. The first, file MFA 5/6100, was titled “Palestine – an independent Arab state.” It contained documents produced by the Arab League, apparently as part of its correspondence with the “All-Palestine” government-in-exile that was set up in the Gaza Strip during the war.The archives said this file contained “correspondence and reports about the establishment of an independent Arab state.” But it’s so secret that only 90 years after its creation – that is, in 2040 – will I be allowed to read it.Imagine if another country possessed the archives of a Jewish community in Eastern Europe that was destroyed during the Holocaust.Fine, I thought. Maybe they can’t tell me what the Palestinians were planning for their independent state, but every child in Israel knows that when it comes to the notorious mufti of Jerusalem, everything is already known and open to scrutiny. After all, Amin al-Husseini’s ties with senior officials in the Nazi Party and the horrific propaganda he broadcast over the radio during World War II have been favorite topics of Israel’s public-diplomacy machine for seven decades now.But it turns out I was wrong again. The political department’s files also included documents written by the mufti between 1946 and 1948 (file MFA 3/6100). Yet these too, the archives informed me, can only be viewed 90 years after they were written.But don’t worry, they did agree to share the mufti’s correspondence with senior Nazi officials. Only the trivial matter of what the leader of the Palestinian national movement was doing during the war can’t be revealed.These two files are only the tip of the iceberg of the Palestinian political and cultural heritage concealed in Israel’s archives. These documents were taken as spoils from Palestinian institutions and individuals in 1948, 1956, 1967 and 1982 (and of course, also in subsequent decades), but only some of them can be viewed.By my estimate, tens of thousands of pages of Arabic documents that haven’t yet been made available to the public can be found in the Israel State Archives, the Israel Defense Forces Archive, the Mossad archive and the Shin Bet security service's archive. The latter, according to one person’s account, burned some of this material back in the 1960s.The fact that the Shin Bet archive is completely closed to the general public, with approval from the High Court of Justice, makes it impossible to know what it does or doesn’t contain. But even in the other archives, many of the looted files are kept hidden; in some cases, even a list of their contents isn’t available.Incidentally, these aren’t just documents from the Palestinian political elite. At my request, a small number of looted Palestinian files from the IDF Archive were recently made available containing thousands of pages of documents about ordinary people.One file, about a man named Wadia Iskander Azzam, includes his entire life: the land registry document for his home in Safed, his marriage certificate, the business cards he collected during his lifetime, his personal diary and a few poems he wrote – an entire world of documents about a person whose world was destroyed in 1948.When the Israel State Archives refuses to release material looted from the Palestinians on the pretext that this would “undermine national security,” it’s clear that this is cover for a completely different fear. There are not and cannot be any state secrets in Arabic documents written by Palestinians, such as their plans for an independent Palestinian state or documents from an orphanage in Jaffa.The biggest secret is the very existence of these documents, which are a memorial to a destroyed Palestinian civilization. This “secret,” the state officials responsible for declassifying the documents fear, might undermine the Israeli Zionist narrative and raise doubts among people willing to examine history with a critical eye.Imagine if another country possessed the archives of a Jewish community in Eastern Europe that was destroyed during the Holocaust, or of a Jewish community in a Muslim country. Of course there’s no comparison, but what would Yad Vashem say? Or Jewish organizations in the United States? Would the American government intervene to bring those documents to safety?Actually, you don’t have to imagine, because there have been a plethora of cases just like this over the last 70 years. One battle still going on involves the archive of the Jewish community in Baghdad, which the American occupation forces took from the headquarters of Iraq’s intelligence service in 2003.The Americans scanned the entire archive and put it online, and now they plan to return it to the Iraqi government. But representatives of the Iraqi Jewish community are demanding that the documents from Baghdad, where no Jews remain, not be returned. The battle is still raging.Israel too will have a hard time continuing to hold on to another people’s cultural heritage, especially when most members of that people have no right to access Israeli archives to study this heritage. Just as other aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have been internationalized, Israel’s theft and illegal possession of the Palestinians’ heritage will eventually reach international tribunals. Israel would be wise to prevent this by systematically releasing the documents it holds and making them accessible.Shay Hazkani is an associate professor of history at the University of Maryland. His book “Dear Palestine: A Social History of the 1948 War” won the Korenblat Book Award in Israel Studies for 2022.Click the alert icon to follow topics:PalestiniansNakbaIDFShin BetYou Might Also Like Why so many young Israelis adore this racist politicianWhy so many young Israelis adore this racist politicianBen-Gvir is the hope | OpinionBen-Gvir is the hope | OpinionThis Scarf is Quickly Becoming the Must-have Gift 2022SponsoredFashion In USA This Scarf is Quickly Becoming the Must-have Gift 2022Hands Down! The World's Healthiest BreakfastSponsoredKa'Chava Hands Down! 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Just not by its current leaderWashington Approves Powerful Pain Reliever: 'You Only Need 1'SponsoredHealth Headlines Washington Approves Powerful Pain Reliever: 'You Only Need 1'New Camera Makes Doorbell Cams ObsoleteSponsoredBest Tech Trend New Camera Makes Doorbell Cams ObsoleteCommentsNameEnter the commenter display nameCommentBy adding a comment, I agree to this site’s Terms of useSendSort comment byNewest first6Robert Sattar20:16like0dislike2This is pure revisionist history. I am surprised that Haaretz agreed to print this. So basically, the refusal of Israel to release certain documents means that Palestine would have afforded Jews equal rights. This makes no sense, I am not even sure that once conquered Arab countries would have withdrawn to allow a Palestinian state. Heck the king of Jordan built a palace in Jerusalem. No this is just a revisionist assertion based on what the writer suspects is in the archives.ReplyReportReply to commentArìK20:50Robert Sattarlike1dislike0Saying it is “revisionist history” does not suffice. There are two kinds of revisionist history: good, supported by new research, and bad, contrived to support a preordained political objective. This professional historian spent 15 years searching, and reading hundreds of propaganda documents from 1947 to 1949. How many have you read and over how many years? Moreover, when he asked to search further, he was refused. That by itself is now a historical fact. With meaning.ReplyReport5Heloisa Brazil19:32like0dislike2About the "correspondence and reports about the establishment of an independent Arab state", are there information about such reports in Arab States archives? Were they public at the time?Regarding "I found no calls for murdering Jews just because they were Jews", have you found calls to murder Jews that do no specify the reason why the calls were being made?Have Arab States denied such accusations by the new government, or where they left unanswered?In short, what were then the goals of the Arab States when they invaded Israel?ReplyReport4Justin Jaron Lewis18:41like8dislike0These documents need to be released. What can be done to bring this about?ReplyReport3ArìK17:30like19dislike2To put this plainly, it now turns out that the whole “throw the Jews into the sea” narrative was invented by Jews? There cannot ever be a better exposing of the false propaganda narratives upon which the entire Israeli occupation of Palestine rests, and upon which the entire Israeli education system and political establishment rest.ReplyReportReply to commentArìK17:37ArìKlike15dislike1Look, what else is in those archives? A state with a real history that actually matched its propaganda narrative would not be afraid of opening those archives. It would throw them open. What are they hiding?ReplyReport2Yo16:55like4dislike21Looking forward to Haaretz stories on Egyptian and Syrian documents from 1948. You know, the ones where they planned to attack civilian immigrants and refugees with armies. I wonder what they were planing to do with any Jewish survivors after they won?ReplyReport1Ben Alofs14:39like28dislike4Thanks for this, Shay Hazkani. Logic dictates that the vast number of documents withheld from view by the national archives in the State of Israel are not in line with official Zionist propaganda. Otherwise these would have been long since published, for instance documents to bolster the Zionist claim that the aim of the Arabs was to "drive the Jews into the sea". This claim was in fact conjured up by Ben Gurion himself. But what is even more important is that the vast number of documents conceal the destruction in 1948 of a thriving Palestinian Arab society in Palestine. This is - in my opinion - a form of cultural genocide. I salute historians like Shay Hazkani, for their determined search for the truth. I encourage anyone to read his important book "Dear Palestine".ReplyReportIn the NewsIn the NewsGaza rocketNetanyahu - BidenIsrael - West BankBen-Gvir - UAEKanye - JewsElon Musk.One Tweet Explains the Republican Party of 2022U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaking at the J Street National Conference in Washington, on Sunday.Blinken: U.S. Will Engage With Israel Based on Policy, Not Individual PersonalitiesScreenshot of the interview between Netanyahu and Chuck Todd on NBC in December.'It's Just Wrong:' Netanyahu Pans Trump's Failure to Denounce AntisemitismBibi Netanyahu and Avi MaozBy Giving Far Right a Stake in Israeli Education, Netanyahu Awakens a Sleeping GiantThe scene of the shooting in 2019.Man Acquitted of Murder, Convicted of Manslaughter in Parking Lot DisputeUnmanned surface vehicle Making Waves: Launch and Recovery System for Unmanned BoatsPaid by SealartechaaretzFacebookTwitterAndroidAppleEmailRSSFAQContact usTerms and conditionsPrivacy policyCancellation of digital subscriptionsManagementEditorialNewslettersAccessibilityAdvertise on Haaretz.comAbout HaaretzLoad moreHaaretz.com, the online English edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, gives you breaking news, analyses and opinions about Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World.© Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. 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Who’s afraid to reveal the Palestinian ‘secrets’ of 1948? | Opinion

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www.nytimes.com/2022/12/01/movies/tantura-review.html?unlocked_article_code=AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACEIPu... ... See MoreSee Less

‘Tantura’ Review: Unearthing the Past

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Revisiting a graduate thesis that caused controversy in Israel two decades ago, this documentary examines evidence of a possible massacre in 1948.

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www.haaretz.com/israel-news/twilight-zone/2022-12-02/ty-article-magazine/.highlight/israel-has-ke...Mohammed Abu Sharb has only a vague memory of his last meeting with his mother. He remembers that he accompanied her in a taxi to the Erez checkpoint at the border with the Gaza Strip, and that before they parted she insisted on stuffing a 100-shekel note into his hand (at the time, about $22). He knew that was a large sum for her but nevertheless took the money. She then got out of the car and disappeared into the depths of the checkpoint, and he took a taxi back to Be’er Sheva. More than that he doesn’t remember.Neither of them, mother and son, could have imagined then that that would be their last meeting for many years. In fact, during the 20 years that have passed since then, Abu Sharb, who is now 39, hasn’t seen his mother, Ismahan, 58, even once.They live an hour and a half from each other by car, she in Gaza, he in south Tel Aviv’s Florentin neighborhood. But under the draconian restrictions Israel has imposed on entering and leaving the besieged Strip, he can’t meet with his mother. Abu Sharb decided he would embark on a mission to see his mother in person, and possibly also make a film out of the events.He’s a smiling and bashful young man, who resembles the Egyptian soccer star Mohamed Salah. The story of his life has been truly Dickensian, almost beyond belief. He was born in the Gaza Strip, in a neighborhood adjacent to the Jabalya refugee camp, to a mother from Gaza, and a father who is a Bedouin from the village of Hura in the Negev. They were married in a forced match and were divorced about a month later, before either of them knew that Ismahan was pregnant.Breaking news and analyses delivered to your inboxEmail *Please enter a valid email addressSign UpUntil he was 11, Mohammed lived with his mother in Gaza, but then, in another arranged marriage, she became the second wife of a resident of Tel Sheva, a Bedouin town outside Be’er Sheva, and moved there to live with him. Once more, the marriage didn’t last – within a month, Ismahan had to leave and return to the Strip. Mohammed didn’t want to go back with her, so she left him in Hura with his paternal grandparents.Even though Mohammed was undocumented, his grandfather, who had good connections, was able to register him in the school in Hura even before his official status in Israel had been sorted out.Open gallery viewHe grew up in his grandparents’ home in Israel, far from either of his parents: He had never been in touch with his father, and his mother lived with her sisters in Gaza. In 1999, she entered another arranged marriage with a man from the Bedouin town of Lakiya, also in the Negev. She visited her son occasionally in Hura, but after three years her new husband died and she had to return to Gaza, having been unable to obtain civil status in Israel. That was in 2002, and since then mother and son have been in touch only by phone.He attended high school and continued living with his grandparents, who have since died. Was it a regular childhood?‘Israeli Museums are afraid of the Nakba’: Palestinian artist family makes historyWhere will the Bedouin go once Israel demolishes their tin shacks?“I had no basis for comparison,” he says. “I was without a nuclear family, without a mother and father, but I didn’t know anything else. I felt normal.” Because of the ordeals he had endured, he was two years older than his classmates, and unlike them he didn’t know Hebrew, even though one of his aunts had devoted herself to teaching him the language in his early years in Hura, something for which he remembers her fondly.When Mohammed was 20, his friends in Hura began leaving for Tel Aviv. “Everyone wanted to move to the big city and have a good time.” Mohammed followed suit and got a job as a cook at the Rabin Square branch of the Landwer Café chain. Three years later, he returned to Hura, where he lived while he studied film at Sapir College, outside Sderot in the northwestern Negev. It was a dream come true. Life at Sapir wasn’t easy. He hid from both his classmates and the administration the fact that he had been born in the Gaza Strip; during his first year, in December 2008, Israel launched Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, in which his grandmother was killed by an Israeli missile. Sapir College, close as it is to the border, also endured rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip.Mohammed found himself caught in the middle, inwardly torn and fearful of revealing his identity. “I was ashamed to say at Sapir that I was born in Gaza,” he recalls. “As a boy in Hura, people said I was a ‘Gazan,’ but it wasn’t until later that I understood it wasn’t meant as an insult.” When he was asked in the admission interview at Sapir what bothered him in life, he lied and said that he was upset by the burning of garbage in Hura, which was harming the environment. What was going on in the Gaza Strip at the time bothered him a lot more, but he was afraid to admit it.During his time in Tel Aviv, he was taken under the wing of the woman whose apartment he lived in, Alyne Bat-Haim, an Israeli of American origin, and, he says, an “amazing woman.” A psychotherapist, she imbued him with self-confidence for the first time in his life, Mohammed says. He felt like a member of her family and is still in touch with her. “She taught me that not all was lost.”Open gallery viewAlthough he wasn’t happy at Sapir College, where he felt compelled to conceal his identity, he did complete his undergraduate studies in film. He also made friends there with comedian and actor (and Haaretz contributor) Irmy Shik Blum. Last year, the two began working together to develop the film that Mohammed would like to make about his life, focusing on his mother and his dream to meet with her. He told Shik Blum initially that he had lived in Gaza, but didn’t dare reveal to him that he’d been born there.“I feel that I matured only after the age of 30 – there was no one to prepare me for the outside world. What a bungle – I started film studies too early, too.”Breaking news and the best of Haaretz straight to your inboxEmail *Please enter a valid email addressSign UpAfterward graduating from Sapir, he returned to the city he loves and where he feels most at home: Tel Aviv. “My whole life is here. All my friends are here. I feel more comfortable in Tel Aviv than anywhere else, including Hura. It’s only in the past few years that I’ve started to feel confident about who I am. Only lately I started speaking with my mother. I wanted to make a film about myself, but I didn’t know who I was, what I was. Now I know: I am an Israeli Gazan. Today more than ever. Gaza is a biblical city and I am no longer ashamed of it.”His search for himself took him back to the restaurant business, as he felt he wasn’t yet ready to be a filmmaker, despite the degree. Gradually he realized that the formative period of his life, the part that was burned into his consciousness, was his first 11 years, in the Gaza Strip. Hura, he says, was a “gray period.” The Gaza period is the one he needs to deal with; less with himself, mainly with his mother and her life story, in which she was a perpetual victim of the family and social environment in which she grew up; a Bedouin woman who was not permitted to decide anything about her own fate; and of course a victim of the arbitrary nature of the Israeli regime, which was preventing her from meeting with her son.“My mother, a Bedouin, Gazan, single parent, underwent this entire journey in which she did not decide anything about her life. Others always decided for her. Society decided for her.”In the first year or so following their separation in 1995, he was angry with his mother for leaving him. “I felt abandoned when she went to marry another man.” In the initial years of their separation, he wasn’t even in contact with his mother. His paternal grandfather in Hura urged him to contact her, and since then they have been in touch continuously, though only by phone, without video. Now they speak every few days – he’s careful only during the Israeli army’s operations in Gaza, apprehensive that his mother is being wiretapped.For the past year or so, Mohammed has worked as a sous-chef at Popina, a successful and fashionable restaurant in Neve Tzedek, in the city’s south. Everyone treats him wonderfully, warmly, supportively, he says, and he gets help from the restaurant’s proprietors, managers and his colleagues. Never, he says, has he encountered racism in the restaurant, only warmth and encouragement.few years ago, Mohammed approached Gisha, an Israeli human rights organization dedicated to protecting freedom of movement for residents of the territories, and in particular into and out of the Gaza Strip. He sought the organization’s assistance to arrange a meeting with his mother. Because of the blockade of the Strip, which has been ongoing since 2007, several hundred Israeli families are cut off from other family members there. From Israel’s point of view, Mohammed belongs to the “divided families” category, which refers to families of Israelis married to Gazans, who can only have a family life together if they all live in Gaza.Under the “divided families procedure,” Israeli children of parents who live in Gaza are entitled to visit the Strip, subject to permits that need to be requested anew for each visit, and that only up to their 18th birthday. After that, meetings with one’s parents are almost impossible. In recent years, Israel has clamped down on the possibility of almost anyone entering or leaving Gaza. Children of 18 or older can visit their parents only in cases of “humanitarian and exceptional” circumstances – namely, if a parent is seriously ill, or if they are being married or buried. Other than that, there is no way for a mother to meet with her son, for a daughter to see her father.A year ago, Gisha and the Center for the Defense of the Individual petitioned the High Court of Justice to abolish the maximum age for children to be able to visit their parents in Gaza. The court will hear the petition on December 26.“The respondents,” the attorneys wrote, “will argue that the petition must be rejected, in the absence of a reason for intervening in the policy regarding the entry of Israelis into the territory of the Gaza Strip, within the framework of the ‘divided families’ criterion. In essence, in light of the security situation and the security threats, and in accordance with the decision of the political echelon about reducing the movement between the State of Israel and the Gaza Strip, the State of Israel is adopting a highly restrictive policy in regard to the entry of Israelis into the Gaza Strip, such that entry permits are issued solely in exceptional humanitarian cases in which special justification exists… The entry of Israelis into the Gaza Strip and their transit between the Gaza Strip and Israel pose significant security risks.”There is also little possibility that Mohammed will meet his mother in a third country. Leaving Gaza via Egypt is extremely complicated and entails conditions that Mohammed’s mother would likely not be able to contend with.He says that after the meeting with Gisha, he “felt a knot of anger developing in my gut. An older woman, alone, who is required to sleep outside for a few nights, just to be able to cross into Egypt? I get angry when I imagine my mother in that situation. I am living a lie when I tell myself that all is well, because all is not well. A lot of things broke for me after the meeting in Gisha. I was embarrassed to hear that as far as Israel is concerned, the only way for me to meet my mom is to get married.” Gisha is continuing to stay on the case, though beyond having submitted the petition, there’s not much else it’s able to do.This week we met Mohammed in a crowded café in Neve Tzedek, not far from the restaurant where he works. Mohammed didn’t stand out – just an Israeli man wearing Teva Naot flip-flops. ... See MoreSee Less

Israel has kept him from seeing his mom for 20 years. He’s determined to change that

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